Testaments of Toluca, edited and translated by Caterina Pizzigoni. UCLA Latin American Studies. Stanford, Stanford University Press, 2007. xv, 250 pp. $55.00 US (cloth).
Wills have been among the richest sources for scholars seeking to sketch the contours of daily life in early Latin America,
Pizzigoni begins with a lengthy introductory study that places the testaments in their geographical and historical context, identifies the standard elements of the testaments themselves, and examines the characteristics of language and orthography in the Toluca region. Her discussion of language and orthography segues into a treatment of notaries; she offers brief sketches of eighteen- seven from Toluca, responsible for eighteen wills, and eleven from Calimaya/Tepemaxalco, responsible for thirty-four wills plus two other documents--focusing on style and usage, and, on occasion, offering some insight into the person of the notary himself.
The testaments themselves constitute the heart of her project. Each is introduced briefly with reference to key elements--familial relations, property holdings, witnesses--and a brief comment about the orthography of the particular notary. The wills appear with the original Nahuatl and the English translation in parallel columns, allowing the reader to move easily through one with reference to the other. Pizzigoni notes the occasions when a Spanish translation has accompanied a Nahuatl original, and notes as well where the Spanish version has clarified illegible sections of the Nahuatl.
What can the reader draw from Pizzigoni's presentation of these Tolucan testaments? Key to her treatment is her identification of thirteen "family clusters" involving thirty-two testaments, which permits a sort of "sequenced detective work" revealing elements of the larger context in which the individual testators are embedded. We see, for example, in a cluster from San Lucas Evangelista, Tepemaxalco, the cult of the Virgin extending into the fifth generation of a particular family (pp. 152-55). A cluster from Santa Maria de la Asuncion, Tepemaxalco, spanning the years 1692-1762, reveals an image of Nuestra Senora de la Asuncion passing from grandfather through sons to granddaughter, with each generation expected to provide elements for the worship of the image that remains the property of the family even as it resides in the main church of the tlaxilacalli (pp. 166-72). A cluster from Toluca suggests familial funerary traditions (somewhat outside the Catholic norm) with a son requesting burial next to his father under a copal tree (pp. 91-96). Non-familial clusters emerge as well, as with a "senor doctor" mentioned in several wills from a particular notary in San Lucas Evangelista between 1759-62 finally described more fully as "precious father," allowing Pizzigoni to recognize that the reference is to an ordained priest (pp. 159-66).
Pizzigoni also pieces together clues from the testaments to gauge the relative wealth of individual testators. The number of saints assigned to heirs, the amount of land or number of magueys, the degree of ostentation in funeral arrangements all reflected wealth. Status was further gauged by names (the presence of the rare honorific "don," possession of second names traditionally considered higher status, continuity of names over generations), and the quality of witnesses (politically active, titled, bearing prominent names). Her testators include those at the highest levels of indigenous society--Don Juan de la Cruz of San Pedro Tepemaxalco, for example, whose 1691 testament affirms his wealth and status (p. 125). Others appear to enjoy a more modest prominence--Agustin de la Cruz of San Pedro Calimaya, Pasiontitlan, for example, whose identity as an "authentic" de la Cruz, Pizzigoni establishes on the basis of the "overall combination of his property and his associations" (p. 193). Humble people are less well represented within the corpus, and even they may not be truly marginal individuals; Pizzigoni frequently finds hints of higher status--more distinguished witnesses, family names suggesting a more elevated position, favoured places of burial, normally reserved for more substantial citizens.
While Pizzigoni initially expected cultural commonality among the subareas of Toluca valley, she found instead important cultural distinctions amid "significant commonalities," a "more differentiated picture of evolution and an opportunity for fascinating comparisons within a regional setting" (p. 6). Property is described differently in each of these subareas; women tend to be more actively engaged in maguey production in Toluca than in Calimaya/Tepemaxalco; funeral traditions differ between the two; homes are described differently; a greater proportion of Toluca testaments mention animals. The narrow purview of Pizzigoni's study precludes more than brief mention of these distinctions, but they intrigue nonetheless. Pizzigoni's purpose is to explore closely one particular type of source, and in this she succeeds; her planned monograph on the indigenous world of eighteenth-century Toluca, presumably drawing on a more varied documentary base, will surely round out the partial picture that emerges from the present study.
Leslie S. Offutt
Vassar College