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In reviewing the media defence clippings from the release of the Canada First Defence Strategy, one is reminded of that old Irish Rovers hit Wasn't That a Party, wherein the singer tries to recall how he ended up in the back of a police car. No doubt the spin doctors

It was supposed to be a media love-in highlighting the Conservative Party's commitment to rebuilding the Canadian military. The backdrop was a George Bush-esque flag-draped drill ball, filled with Canadian service personnel, and the location was Canada's most military-friendly city--Halifax. So far, so good.

In addition to the prime minister's speech, Defence Minister Peter MacKay gave a brief statement, and lining the podium as a show of solidarity was a plethora of senior brass, including Gem Rick (The Big Cod) Hillier himself The rationale for staging this extravaganza was that the Conservative government's unveiling of its long-anticipated, much ballyhooed Canada First Defence Strategy.

Both Harper and MacKay certainly made a lot of announcements during their speeches. Acquisitions would include tactical and strategic airlift; the army would get new Leopard tanks; the navy would get new Arctic patrol vessels and destroyers; and the frigate fleet would be upgraded. A year-round facility would be constructed in the North; new armoured trucks would be purchased; medium- or heavy-lift helicopters would be procured; the air force would be getting new fighter jets; and the ranks of the Canadian Forces would swell to 70,000 regular and 30,000 reservists. The price tag for all this was $30 billion, according to Harper and Co., and this little nugget was what the media fixed on as the cornerstone of their stories.

To be fair to those reporters, this dollar figure was about the only thing new in the entire series of announcements. Virtually all of the projects had already been announced, and some acquisitions, such as the C-17 strategic airlift and Leopard tanks, are already in service. Sharp-eyed journalists also figured out that the "new" goals for troop levels were actually 10,000 lower than those announced in the 2006 budget.

As the press corps began to work its way through the smoke and mirrors, one reporter had the novel idea of asking for a copy of the new strategy paper. That's when the wheels really began falling oft:

Unable to produce a copy of the paper, a press secretary for MacKay explained that "It is not a document like a white paper--it is a vision delivered (by Harper and MacKay) for long-term planning for the CF. As such, the speeches are the strategy."

With no real news to justify the non-announcement, the media soon seized upon this ridiculous notion that Canada's defence strategy, for the next two decades--at a cost of $30 billion--was based on nothing more than two short speeches.

Seeing how dumb this looked, the Harper Conservatives quickly changed their tune. Contrary to what MacKay's press secretary claimed, the defence strategy was, in fact, a very detailed document and it really does exist. However, as it has been labelled a cabinet document and thus not even subject to the Access to Information Act, Canadians will have no way of ever proving or disproving that claim. The ever-cynical press gallery wasn't buying that story. So a couple days later, the Defence Department cobbled together a news conference. This technical briefing was chaired by the vice-chief of defence staff, Lt.-Gen. Walter Natynczyk. Notably absent were the Big Cod and other senior brass who had been paraded for the cameras in Halifax.

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In his opening commentary, Natynczyk pointed out that the dollar figure of rebuilding the forces was, in fact, closer to $45 or $50 billion, not the measly $30 billion reported. A number of other officers were present to answer journalists' questions. However, in another bizarre twist, it was revealed that these officers were under orders not to let themselves be identified by name.

One has to hope that the team that drafted the secret and unseen Canada First Defence Strategy was drawn from a deeper end of the talent pool than the bozos that plotted these announcement events.

JSS OFF KEEL?

One item of the defence strategy the government boasted about as proof of their commitment to the CF was the Joint Support Ship project. This program began under the Liberal government as an attempt to replace the navy's aging Protecteur-class supply ships and it was continued with the Conservatives.

The program has now been widdled down to two consortiums--one from Thyssen-Krupp Marine Systems Canada Inc., and the other led by SNC-Lavalin ProFac Inc. However, according to the Ottawa Citizen, the $2.9-billion project may be short on funds and Defence officials have gone with their hat in hand to the Treasury Board for more cash. Apparently industry representatives told the department that the allocated funds might not be enough to build all three ships. With the Joint Support Ships required to take on a number of functions such as carrying vehicles, offering support to troops in theatre, running a small medical clinic and acting as a command centre, some say navy planners may have low-balled the estimate for such multi-faceted vessels.

The project is slated to be awarded later this year, with the first of three ships to be delivered in 2012. But given recent concerns over the funding of the JSS, officials fear this schedule could be affected.

SEA KING DEBACLE CONTINUES ON

As if the plight of the JSS wasn't enough, the infamous replacement of the Sea King maritime helicopter has once again limped into the news. It was reported in the Globe and Mail that the federal government has withheld more than $200-million in payments to Sikorsky Inc. as it appears the company will be late in meeting its deadline to replace the Sea King.

It is currently unknown when exactly Sikorsky will begin to deliver the 28 new Cyclone helicopters with estimates ranging from months to years beyond its January 2009 deadline (granted after an earlier extension).

In April it was revealed that Sikorsky was bold enough to ask for additional funding--in the range of $200-500 million. The request was publicly quashed by Public Works Minister Michael Fortier who reminded the company that the "the price was set at contract signing."

With all of this aggravation on the Sikorsky file, military planners are apparently quietly scanning the market to see if there are any alternatives should the current replacement strategy fall through.

The only thing that is certain is that the woes of this procurement project have long been detailed in these pages, and it seems they are destined to continue for quite some time.

NEGOTIATING WITH THE TALIBAN?!

An inevitable storm de merde rumbled through the chain of command after it was reported in the Globe that Canadian troops may be considering discussions with Taliban insurgents. One sergeant, who works as a civil-military co-operation officer for Canada's Provincial Reconstruction Team, most likely earned the wrath of his superiors after he was quoted saying he was considering attempting to speak with insurgents. He said to an Afghan elder, "Talking is the best way to solve problems. Do you think the Taliban would ever talk with us?"

The new commander of the Canadian battle group, Lt.-Col. Gordon Corbould, supported the initiative saying, "That's out-of-the-box thinking at the tactical level, which I think is brilliant.... You need to make these Taliban understand that we're not the devil. I think it's a great idea, at the tactical level."

However, such a strategy was promptly dismissed back in Ottawa. When asked his opinion on such discussions, Defence Minister Peter MacKay said, "We are not talking to the Taliban. We are not having direct discussions with terrorists. We won't, will not, that will not change."

In other words, such "out-of-the-box ideas" on the ground are good, unless they conflict with the entrenched views of political Ottawa.

CASUALTIES

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At the same time as such new ideas are immediately dismissed, the casualties continue to steadily climb in Kandahar.

On May 6 Cpl. Michael Starker (pictured), a reservist with 15 Field Ambulance in Calgary, was killed and another soldier injured when they were ambushed by insurgent forces in the Zharey district. The soldiers were immediately evacuated and Starker was later pronounced dead at Kandahar Airfield. The other soldier was reported to be in fair condition and stable. Before the death of Cpl. Starker, it had been nearly 20 months since a Canadian soldier was killed in an insurgent ambush.

Ten days later another startling event took place when one Afghan was killed and two Canadian soldiers were injured in a suicide-bomb attack. The soldiers were evacuated by helicopter to the main base in Kandahar where a military spokesperson said they were able to "walk into the medical facility on their own." Perhaps the most disturbing part of this incident was the identity of the bomber--a 10- to 13-year-old boy.

We would like to extend our condolences to the family, friends, and comrades of the fallen and wish a speedy recovery to those injured.